Sunday, February 2, 2014

Where is the Clean Chit ? There is None



Propaganda  Behind the Clean Chit to Modi


SIT has not given a Clean Chit to Modi. In both reports, first filed in May 2010 before the Supreme Court (that includes Chairman RK Raghavan's Comments separately) and the Closure report filed before the Magistrate on 8.2.2012, the SIT has held that while there is evidence and many of the allegations made in the Zakia Jafri Complaint dated 8.6.2006 are true and correct, in its own assessment,  this evidence is not prosecutable. This is not a clean chit to Modi as is being propagated.

Besides Amicus Curaie Raju Ramachandran’s Report to the SC clearly stated that Modi should stand trial for offences under Section 153(a), 153(b) and166 of the Indian Penal Code.

Key Points of May 2010 SIT Report Contrasted with 2012 Closure Report

I. Callous and Communal Mindset of Modi (chief minister and state home minister since 2002)

A. Modi’s Communal Mindset The SIT Report (May 2010) report says, “In spite of the fact that ghastly and violent attacks had taken place on Muslims at Gulberg Society and elsewhere, the reaction of the government was not the type that would have been expected by anyone. The chief minister had tried to water down the seriousness of the situation at Gulberg Society, Naroda Patiya and other places by saying that every action has an equal and opposite reaction.” (Page 69 of the SIT Report to the SC, May 2010)

B. Modi’s Discriminatory Attitude. The 2010 SIT report to the SC says Modi displayed a “discriminatory attitude by not visiting the riot-affected areas in Ahmedabad where a large number of Muslims were killed, though he went to Godhra on the same day, travelling almost 300 km on a single day.” (Page 67) The SIT chairman also comments that “Modi did not cite any specific reasons why he did not visit the affected areas in Ahmedabad city as promptly as he did in the case of the Godhra train carnage.” (Page 8 of chairman’s comments, SIT report to SC May 2010)

C. Sweeping and Offensive Statements by Modi. SIT Chairman RK Raghavan (May 2010 to the SC) further comments that Modi’s statement “accusing some elements in Godhra and the neighbourhood as possessing a criminal tendency was sweeping and offensive coming as it did from a chief minister, that too at a critical time when Hindu-Muslim tempers were running high.” (Page 13 of SIT chairman Raghavan’s comments, SIT report to SC May 2010)

D. Modi Justified Killing of Innocents. The inquiry officer (AK Malhotra also notes: “His (Modi) implied justification of the killings of innocent members of the minority community read together with an absence of a strong condemnation of the violence that followed Godhra suggest a partisan stance at a critical juncture when the state had been badly disturbed by communal violence.” (Page 153 of the SIT Report to SC, dated May 2010)




E.    Modi’s Election Gaurav Yatra Speech at Behacharaji, Mehsana controversial and definitely hinted at a growing minority population.  The explanation given by Shri Modi is unconvincing and it definitely hinted at the growing minority population. (Page 160  SIT Report to SC, May 2010). Excerpts of Text of Speech at Annexure 1.


SIT Closure Report (2012): While the amicus finds the words spoken by the chief minister an offence, an incitement to violence and hatred against a particular section of the Indian people, in its closure report, the SIT finds that no criminal offence has been committed and recommends a closure of these allegations.
On the ‘action-reaction’ statement: “As per Modi’s version, he had not and would never justify any action or reaction by a mob against innocents. He had denied all allegations in this regard.” Zee TV never sent a copy of the interview, says the SIT. Their correspondent Sudhir Chaudhary told the SIT the Editors’ Guild report contained only excerpts and he did not have the original CD. He did recollect Modi’s reply that a mob “had reacted on account of private firing done by Jaffri, the SIT says. Chaudhary told the SIT Modi was of the view that he wanted neither action nor reaction. Modi reportedly said: “Godhra mein parson hua… jiski pratikriya ho rahi hai” but Chaudhary could not recount the exact sequence” (pgs 482-483, SIT Closure Report).


“As regards the public speech delivered at Becharaji, Mehsana district, on September 9, 2002, as a part of Gaurav Yatra, Modi has explained that the speech did not refer to any particular community or religion. According to        Modi, this was a political speech in which he has pointed out the increasing       population of India and had remarked that ‘can’t Gujarat implement family planning?’ Modi has claimed that his speech has been distorted by some     interested elements who had misinterpreted the same to suit their designs. He      has also stated that there were no riots or tension after his election speech. No           criminality has come on record in respect of this aspect of allegation” (p. 272, SIT Closure Report).

E. Modi Government Took No Steps to Stop Illegal Bandh. According to the SIT report of 2010 to the SC, the Gujarat government did not take any steps to stop the illegal bandh called by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad on 28 February 2002. On the contrary the BJP had supported the bandh. (Page 69, SIT Report to SC, May 2010)
(It is important to remember that it was Hindu mobs mobilised by the local VHP and BJP leaders in the name of bandhs that had carried out the horrific massacres at Naroda and Gulberg Society on 28 February 2002 and those all over the state over the next days. March 1 was a state wise bandh when massacres at Randhikpur-Sanjeli, Sardarpura, Sesan, Odh, Pandharwada and Kidiad among others took place)
F. Modi as Home Minister did not Act to prosecute Hate Speech. According to the SIT report of 2010 to the SC, despite detailed reports recommending strict action submitted to Modi by field officers of the State Intelligence Bureau, Modi as Home Minister failed to take action against a section of the print media that was publishing communally- inciting reports, inflaming base emotions. This had vitiated the communal situation further. (Page 79, SIT Report to SC, May 2010)
G. Modi as Home Minister responsible for Destruction of Crucial Records. The 2010 SIT report to the SC says “The Gujarat government has reportedly destroyed the police wireless communication of the period pertaining to the riots.” It adds, “No records, documentations or minutes of the crucial law and order meetings held by the government during the riots had been kept.” (Page 13, SIT Report to SC, May 2010)
II. SIT Confirms the Serious Allegation that Godhra Dead Bodies were handed over to Jaideep Patel of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad in an illegal and controversial move. Jaideep Patel of the VHP was also allowed to attend an official meeting at the Collectorate, Godhra.
In the 2010 SIT Report to the SC, the SIT says, “SIT inquiry revealed that there was in fact a discussion at Godhra on the final disposal of bodies of those killed in the Godhra carnage. This was during chief minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the town on the afternoon of February 27, 2002. It was held at the collectorate. It is not clear who all were present or consulted. Apart from the district collector, the presence at least of Gordhan Zadaphiya (MoS, home) and Jaideep Patel, VHP activist, has been confirmed…..”… (pgs 19-23, SIT Report to the SC, May 2010; pgs 2-3, Chairman’s Comments, SIT report to SC May 2010).
 SIT Closure Report 8.2.2012 also admits that Jaideep Patel transported the dead bodies to Ahmedabad
“The above facts would go to establish that though a letter had been addressed by mamlatdar, Godhra, to Patel of VHP….Nalvaya, mamlatdar, has acted in an irresponsible manner by issuing a letter in the name [of] Patel in token of having handed over the dead bodies which were case property and therefore the government of Gujarat is being requested to initiate departmental proceedings against him” (p. 463, Closure Report).

III. Narendra Modi did hold a meeting on 27 February 2002.
But Did he tell his officers to let Hindus vent their anger freely against Muslims? SIT claims there is no conclusive evidence but holds that no minutes of an Official law and Order Meeting (as is Standard Operational Procedure) were maintained.
In arriving at its conclusion that ‘there is no conclusive evidence’ of the criminal statement by Modi, the SIT has discarded the evidentiary statements of Justices PB Sawant, Hosbet Suresh, former MOS Revenue, GOG, Haren Pandya, Suresh Mehta, and Sanjiv Bhatt. It has accepted the evidence of those IAS and IPS officers who are co-accused in the Zakia Jafri Complaint dated 8.6.2006 that include former chief secretary Subha Rao, former ACS Home Ashok Narayan, former DGP, K Chakavarthi, former Principal Secretary, CMO, PK Mishra, former Commissioner of Police, Ahmedabad, PC Pande.
SIT Report to SC in May 2010 “In the light of the above, a law and order meeting was in fact held by Modi at his residence late in the evening of February 27. However, the allegation that chief minister instructed the chief secretary, DGP and other senior officials to allow the Hindu community to give vent to their anger on the minority Muslims in the wake of Godhra incident is not established” (p. 19,  SIT report to SC, May 2010).
IV. SIT Accepts that in a Controversial Move Ministers were stationed in the Ahmedabad City and State Control Rooms
 The SIT Report to the SC, May 2010, says, in an extremely “controversial” move, the government of Gujarat had placed two senior ministers — Ashok Bhatt and IK Jadeja — in the Ahmedabad city police control room and the state police control room during the riots. The SIT chairman comments that the two ministers were positioned in the control rooms with “no definite charter”, fuelling the speculation that they “had been placed to interfere in police work and give wrongful decisions to the field officers”. “The fact that he (Modi) was the cabinet minister for Home would heighten the suspicion that this decision had his blessings.” (Page 12 of chairman’s comments in SIT report to SC, May 2010)
(It is to be noted that Ashok Bhatt’s cell phone analysis showed that he was in touch with VHP leader Jaideep Patel, a key conspirator of the Naroda Gaon and Naroda Patiya massacre, and with Gordhan Zadaphia, the then minister of state for home and who is now seen by the SIT as a major culprit of the Ahmedabad massacres.)
SIT Closure Report (8.2.2012) also admits that Ministers were stationed in the Control Rooms, Ahmedabad and State but says it was not a “significant” presence
“Therefore the allegation that the two ministers were positioned in the state control room and Ahmedabad city police control room by the chief minister is not established. Significantly, IK Jadeja remained at state police headquarters for two-three hours as per his own admission but did not interfere in the police functioning. Late Ashok Bhatt’s presence in the city police headquarters on the relevant day, if any, was very negligible and it cannot be termed of any material value. In the absence of documentary/oral evidence of any directions given by these two ministers to police officials, it cannot be said at this stage that they conspired in the perpetration of riots or did not take any action to control the riots” (pgs 474-475, SIT Closure Report, 8.2.2012).

V. Criminally Negligent Actions by Joint CP Tandon and SCP PB Gondia who were subsequently rewarded by the Modi government for their criminality.
The former Ahmedabad joint commissioner of police MK Tandon, in whose area around 200 Muslims were killed, has been found guilty of deliberate dereliction of duty. (Post the riots, however, far from being censored, he got one lucrative posting after another and retired as additional director general of police in June 2007.) His junior, former deputy commissioner of police PK Gondia, has also been found guilty of willfully allowing the massacres. The SIT says that if the two had just carried out their duty hundreds of Muslims could have been saved. (Pages 48-50 of the SIT Report to the SC, May 2010) Neither of these officers was held accountable by the Modi government. The first SIT report recommended further investigation as has been detailed at Annexure 2.**

Even the SIT closure report dated 8.2.2012 holds that
The closure report is forced to concede that the actions of Tandon and Gondia were questionable. However, in its view, a simple departmental inquiry was all that was called for. Going back on its own earlier findings, the SIT now also exonerates Tandon and Gondia for being in close telephonic contact with two accused persons: Dr Mayaben Kodnani and Shri Jaideep Patel (p. 496, Closure Report, dated 8.2.2012).
 “The conduct of Tandon and Gondia was unprofessional and unbecoming of senior police officers.” However, “the basic requirements for prosecution under the above Section (304A) are that the acts (including omission) must be rash or negligent… Considering all the circumstances, evidence on record and the defence available with the suspect police officers (Tandon and Gondia), it may not be possible to prosecute them for the offence under Section 304A as proposed by amicus curiae…” (pgs 499-503, Closure Report, 8.2.2012).

VI. SIT found evidence against Zadaphiya, MOS Home
The SIT has also found evidence against the then minister of state for home Gordhan Zadaphia (who was reporting directly to Modi) for his complicity in the riots. Another BJP minister Mayaben Kodnani has already been booked in the Naroda Patiya massacre. (Pages 168-169, SIT Report to the SC, 2010)


VII. Patently Partisan Investigations by Gujarat Police Top Cops to Shield Ministers and VHP men and Women
The SIT accepted the allegation that the state police had carried out patently shoddy investigations in the Naroda Patiya and Gulberg Society massacre cases. It deliberately overlooked the cell phone records of Sangh Parivar members and BJP leaders involved in the riots — prominent among them were the Gujarat VHP president Jaideep Patel and BJP minister Maya Kodnani. “If these records had been analysed and used as evidence, it could have established their complicity.” (SIT report to SC, May 2010, Pages 101-105)

VIII. Modi Rewarded the Officers who Acted Illegally and Punished those who Acted Lawfully
Upright officers penalised
The 2010 SIT to the SC report affirms that police officers who took a neutral stand during the riots and prevented massacres were transferred by the Gujarat government to insignificant postings. SIT’s Chairman Raghavan has termed these transfers “questionable” since “they came immediately after incidents in which the officers concerned were known to have antagonised ruling party men”. (Pages 7-8 of chairman’s comments in SIT Report to SC, May 2010)
The upright officers who were penalised for performing their constitutional duty include IPS officers Rahul Sharma, Vivek Srivastava, Himanshu Bhatt and Satishchandra Verma.
“It is true that there were a few such transfers which were in fact questionable, especially because they came immediately after incidents in which the officers concerned had known to have antagonised ruling party men… Neither police officer would however admit he had been victimised (pgs 32-36, Report to SC dated May 2010, and p. 8, Chairman’s Comments to SC, May 2010).
Guilty cops rewarded
The SIT report dated May 2010 to the SC admits the allegation that police officers who allowed riots to fester were rewarded with lucrative postings.
·         MK Tandon, who was the joint commissioner of police of Sector II, Ahmedabad, in 2002 and in whose jurisdiction more than 200 Muslims were butchered to death, was given the important post of inspector-general (IG), Surat range, soon after the riots. In July 2005 he was appointed to the post of ADGP (law and order) at the state police headquarters, a position with statewide jurisdiction. Tandon retired from the same position.
·         PB Gondia, deputy to Tandon, was DCP, Zone IV, at the time. He was promoted to the powerful post of IGP, State CID, and now enjoys the post of joint director, civil defence.
·         In addition to these police officers, there were other controversial bureaucrats and policemen who have remained high in the favour of the government despite their black track records. Among them are G. Subbarao (then chief secretary); Ashok Narayan (then ACS, home); PK Mishra (then PS to Modi); PC Pande (then CP, Ahmedabad city); Deepak Swaroop (then IGP, Vadodara range); K. Nityanandam (then secretary, home); Rakesh Asthana (then IG and currently CP, Surat city) and DG Vanzara (now in jail for staging encounter killings).

IX. Partisan prosecutors appointed.  The SIT 2010 Report to the SC confirms that the government appointed VHP and RSS-affiliated advocates as public prosecutors in sensitive riot cases. The report states: “It appears that the political affiliation of the advocates did weigh with the government for the appointment of public prosecutors.” (Page 77 of the SIT report to the SC, May 2010) The SIT chairman (RK Raghavan) further comments that “it has been found that a few of the past appointees were in fact politically connected, either to the ruling party or organisations sympathetic to it.” (Page 10 of chairman’s comments to SIT report to SC, May 2010)) ##
“It appears that the political affiliation of the advocates did weigh with the government for the appointment of public prosecutors” (p. 77, SIT Report to the SC, May 2010). The allegation is partly substantiated” (p. 238, SIT Report to SC May 2010). Also, “It has been found that a few of the past appointees were in fact politically connected, either to the ruling party or organisations sympathetic to it” (p. 10, Chairman’s Comments, SIT report, May 2010). Details of the partisan appointments are at Page 157 of the SIT Report to the SC and annexed here in Annexure 3.

X. Gujarat Government Misled the Chief Election Commission. The SIT Report of 2010 to the SC also asserts that in August 2002, in a bid to ensure an early Assembly election, top officials of the Modi government misled the Central Election Commission by presenting a picture of normalcy when the state was still simmering with communal tension. (Page 79 to 86, SIT Report to SC, May 2010).  (The BJP had prematurely dissolved the Assembly on 19 August 2002, nine months before the expiry of the five-year term, and demanded an early election. The BJP clearly wanted to take electoral advantage of the communal polarisation.)

Ends
(Annexures 1, 2 and 3 in separate attachment)
SIT Reports on Gujarat 2002 are available at www.cjponline.org

1.     IO AK Malhotra’s Report, May 2010 at http://www.cjponline.org/zakia/SIT%20Enquiry_Report_In%20ZAKIA%20CASE.pdf

2.     Chairman RK Raghavan’s Comments to May 2010 report at http://www.cjponline.org/zakia/Chairman%20Raghavans%20Comments%2014.5.2010.pdf

3.     Closure Report dated 8.2.2012 at
and below

Wednesday, January 29, 2014

Callous Iconography



Teesta Setalvad
While this week should have been devoted to the unfortunate verdict in the ZakiaJafri (supported by CJP) case against NarendraModi and Others, the pressing ground level reality at Muzaffarnagar, Shamli, Baghpat and Meerut has compelled the writer to change gear. Over the next few weeks I shall offer the reader an analysis of the judgement of the Court.This week is dedicated to the thousands suffering in bitter cold in Western UP, in bitter cold and poor conditions, with an Appeal to India and Indians to find their heart and visit and re-visit the tragedy:-
No man’s land is the land is, under international law, land between nations or disputing parties, land under dispute, where uncertainty and ambiguity govern, land that no authority or state controls but significantly where no laws, national or others, apply. Internally displaced persons (IDPs), especially those internally and forcibly displaced by manmade tragedies, or deliberate plans of development or natural disasters are recognized as among the world’s most vulnerable people. Especially because they have not crossed over international borders but remain under the protection of their own government, even though the abdication of the fundamental duties of the government and rights of the government may be the cause of their desperate flight.
Responsibility for their welfare must and should rest with the state. However the culture of impunity prevalent in a country that has failed to book powerful state actors for their role in the prevention of perpetrated violence, i.e. their fundamental failure in governance to, without prejudice or bias, protect the lives of the poor, underprivileged as much as the politically shrill and powerful, has penetrated to blurring responsibility for the plight and conditions of IDPs.
In 2002, as 1,68,000 IDPs were forcibly and cruelly evicted from their homes by marauding mobs in Gujarat, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) supported a PIL that finally ensured that Gujarat state accepted responsibility for the rations (grains, tea, milk and sugar) been until then borne by community organisations. The action that forced them into living as cattle herd in essentially difficult conditions was made worse with the state, in a desperate hurry to “clean up” the remains of the blood and gore, wanted to rush into elections and forcibly close the camps.
Eleven years later the response of the state, under a different political dispensation, after the violence in Uttar Pradesh in the four districts of Muzaffarnagar, Shamli, Meerut and Baghpat, affected by violence is worse, not better. Faced with five petitions in the Supreme Court of India, and keen to ensure a gloss on its blemished imaged the Nine Reports filed by the Uttar Pradesh government are obfuscations of the reality on the ground. As lead petitioners in one of the cases that ahs presented significant contrary data to the Court, we have shown that the reports of the district officials contradict what the state is officially saying to the highest court of the land.
Over 33,000 persons, IDPs, forcibly displaced by the unleashed terror of a more powerful Jat community in the four districts lived until they were forcibly evicted over the past few days on open state and central government land, in sub-human conditions at bitterly cold temperatures (many of the camps are out in the open, just tents above ground that is treacherous and cold as night settles in; on days where it rains, wet bitter cold has resulted in deaths). Nineteen camps in Shamli district and two in Loi were and are testimony to gross abdication of state responsibility as food and clothing was donated generously by private donations and individuals; State presence in distribution had been limited to a fortnight except the inadequate quantities of milk that continued to come to Mallakpur relief camp until recently.
Even as the state cynically carried out these forcible evictions, 3 year oldUvez lost the struggle for his life and died in the Manna Majra camp on December 23-24 2013. In the affidavit we had filed before the Supreme Court in mid-December, we had listed the names of 23 persons, child and adult who had died in the camps because of ailments related essentially to the inhuman conditions in sub-human  temperatures. Two twin baby girls had died within hours of being born as far back as September 10, 2013 at the Jaula camp. Days before we travelled again through the camps where it is impossible to stay after 5 p.m. as wind and cold settles in, two day old Chhotu( he was not given a name) son of Manga breathed his last two days after breathing life; one day old Chhotu (he was not even given a name) son of Azad died at Phugana on November 28, 2013.A few kilometers away from the Mallakpur camp is a colony of re-settlers, displaced by a flood 30 years back. (Rathoda ,Baghpat) and Soop-Silana) but the state has seen no desire to vacate them from their irregular habitats which is now permanent home.  Both sets of IDPs had to inadvertently make homes on forest/state government land; yet the state appears to be treating the two sets of IDPs differently, why?
The biting thought that kept creeping up to me as we witnesses state denial and callousness over these deaths, was the question, which was worse? Deaths by the perpetrated mob violence (over 80 dead and a few dozen missing) or those deaths that were avoidable and took place under the state’s redoubled watch as our own people live in abysmal conditions as IDPs? Do we as Indians even care?
The vile statements of Gujarat scion Modi, “Relief Camps are Babymaking factories” have become iconic of state abdication and cruelty. (The speech made by him on September 9, 2002 at the temple town at Becharaji in Mehsana was the launching pad of his GauravYatra and 2002 election campaign). Today, MulayamsinghYadav’s sickening “those in relief camps are Congress and BJP workers” and his chief secretary claiming “No one dies of cold; go check Siberia” have joined this merciless iconography. Finally pushed by outraged criticism, the UP government was compelled, 3 days after Yadav’s outrageous comments, through the findings of a government committee, to admit that 34 deaths had indeed taken place  in the relief camps between September 7 and December 20.
Our plea in the petition is that the Supreme Court appoints a Court Commission (just like at the time of the Right to Food Petition) to ensure regular and impartial monitoring of the ground situation with feed back to the Court. Of the 436 FIRs filed, little action has been taken against accused. Powerful accused with allegiance to the BJP, SangeetSom have not just been released on bail but were felicitated at Agra with the PM in waiting in tow. Chilling accounts of gendered violence, brutal, on 19 girls and women await legal and judicial note and redressal.
Responsibility for the protection of fundamental rights (right to life, property and protection before the law) under the Indian Constitutional scheme lies not just with the state government, but ultimately also with the Centre.The abdication in the case of what has come to be names as the Muzaffarnagarviolence, must and does also lie with the Centre. At least as far as the IDPs are concerned what stopped the Centre from using the Army to ensure that our own people, little babies and pregnant women (there are over 100 in the camps) are well fed, clothed and protected from the cold? The same obduration that, across party lines has little respect for human lives.
It is this bitter reality that impelled a mass movement in this country to demand the enactment of a law that fixes responsibility for perpetrated and mass communal violence and humane rehabilitation - the Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Right to Justice and Reparations) Bill. Strident opponents of the bill, including those forces that have benefitted most from communal polarization, apart from using their rank and file in acts of violence, have so far succeeded in brazenly bullying the Centre from even tabling the proposed law for sane discussion. It remains to be seen if this UPA II government, floundering and weak, will have the will to keep a promise made through the Common Minimum Programme in 2004.

Ends

We rest our Case Part Two



We rest our Case                                         Part Two
Teesta Setalvad
As I said in these columns last week, scant respect for the rule of law governs the motives of the man who would be PM and the malevolent forces that he represents. Last Friday for the fifth time I had to seek bail against arrest, since 2002.

Allegations made by agents of the Gujarat government were not confined to the Sardarpura cases. Similar allegations of tutoring were made by defence counsel in the Naroda Patiya case. In the judgement delivered on 29.8.2012, 32 persons were convicted in the Naroda Patiya case by a detailed judgement. The Learned Judge in the said judgement also dealt with the issue of the affidavits which were filed by the victims in this Hon‟ble Court and allegation of tutoring of the witnesses, the Learned Judge has given a finding as below:
Exceprts from Naroda Patiya Judgement Point 14, Pages 305, 306 “The affidavits filed in the Hon‟ble Supreme Court are also another point of cross-examination and arguments. Firstly, it has not been proved that whether this affidavit was produced in the Supreme Court or not. The most important aspect is, it is not elicited from the I.O. as to whether these affidavits were really filed at Hon'ble the Apex Court or not. No certified copy has been secured from Hon'ble the Apex Court. When defence wants to rely upon it, it should highlight reasonable probability of its filing, if not proof. No investigation was carried out admittedly on that and secondly the purpose for filing such affidavit is different from the purpose of giving the testimony and even giving statement before SIT. Hence, two unequals cannot be compared. (2) Even if it is accepted that such affidavits were in fact filed then also the reason for which the affidavits were filed before Hon'ble the Supreme Court of India that too, in a transfer petition, is absolutely different than giving statement before the Investigating Officer. Hence it cannot be treated as earlier statement of the PW in the sense that it is not the same thing. In the humble opinion of this Court these affidavits cannot be used to challenge credibility of the witnesses as submitted.
(3) It is possible that after six years, when the PW gave statement for the first time in free and fearless atmosphere after getting the security which the PW did not have during previous investigation, the PW could muster courage to state many more true facts. But at times, after coming home from the SIT, one remembers many other things which one has missed while telling it to the SIT. It can happen that the witness would like to tell those left out things in his testimony. Hence, if something was not told to the SIT and if told only to the Court, then, in such case, it is not proper to believe that the witness is speaking lie only on that count. It is different that the deadline has to be drawn somewhere. In the facts and circumstances of this case, what is not told before SIT and if it is material contradiction or omission in the eyes of the Court then that part has been kept out of consideration as interest of fair trial demands that. Except the uniform, mechanical sentence and such other aspects and such other parts which has not inspired the confidence of the Court even in the investigation of SIT by and large the investigation of SIT is the base of the case. (4) Even if it is accepted that these affidavits were filed, then it was obviously to support the transfer petition and not to prove or investigate the prosecution case, therefore also, the purpose being different, this cannot be held to be earlier statement made during the investigation. (5) Who drafts the affidavits, for what, when, who translated the contents of instruction of the P.W. are also all the issues needs to be answered before giving importance to this part of the cross but no such material is on record. It is therefore just and proper not to blow it out of proportion.”
Point 32, Page 332 “32. TUTORING OF NGO, SOCIAL WORKERS, ETC. : It is notable that it is not alleged that the NGO leaders or lawyers or the social workers have any personal enmity or ill-will against the accused. Hence the suggestion in the cross-examination of PW that they have been speaking as was taught to them, is found very irrelevant. What would be the benefit of such NGO is nowhere suggested except suggesting that it was to defame State of Gujarat. But then, the State of Gujarat is not an accused but is the prosecuting agency which was forgotten it seems. No substance is found in this submission.”

We would like to emphasise that in the ten long years repeated attempts by the state of Gujarat and its agents to induce witnesses and turn them hostile have not borne fruit. In 2004 the star witness in the Best Bakery case turned hostile for a second time while she was due to give evidence in re-trial in Mumbai and on November 3, 2004 made malafide allegations against me and my organisation. I moved the Hon‟ble Supreme Court praying for an independent inquiry into the allegations. An Inquiry conducted by Registrar General Supreme Court BM Gupta was ordered that completely exonerated me and my organisation. (July 2005).  The Supreme Court of India (March 2006) convicted Ms Shaikh to one year simple imprisonment for contempt of court and the Trial Court for perjury. The BJP MLA Madhu Srivastavawho’s voice in a sting operation claimed that he has offered Rs 18 lakhs to the family to turn them hostile, refused to allow voice samples of his voice to be taken. Scant respect for the rule of law?

Yet powerful lawyers associated with the ruling dispensation PN Lekhi, Ram Jethmalani, Mahesh Jethmalani and VHP advocates like Ankur Oza for Raiskhan Pathan and Meenakshi Lekhi continue to make shameless allegations unproven in the public domain.
Registrar General’s report Pg 45: The allegations of confinement put by her (Zahira) is not believable as not supported by the circumstances as mentioned hereinafter nor by any other witness. Thus, in view of the above, no inducement, threat, coercion or pressure whatsoever has been established in this part”. Pg 49: “As discussed above, no coercion through tutoring and putting the words by Ms. Teesta into her mouth and also substitution of statement by another already prepared document do not establish”. Pg 101: “It may undisputably be said that the phrase „to have fruits of heaven out of hell‟ has now been established synonymous to Ms Zahira who once earned public sympathy out of her desertion through the condemned tragedy has made concerted efforts and has engaged herself in having cash/comforts from every possible corners... Ms Zahira changed her stand three times as already mentioned in parts A to D and that changing of these stands are well known”. [pages of Vol. II] shows that there was no influence by tutoring of Ms. Teesta on her or on her family till she went to Bombay and, as such, there is no truth in the said allegation: “Question” Whether influence, fear or pressure of Ms. Teesta started on you in July 2003 after you went to Mumbai? Answer: There was no influence of Teesta on me or on my family prior to the period I was taken to Mumbai.” Difference appears in both the statement.
Pg: 105: “Looking at the aforementioned status in full including all other circumstances of the case, I feel no hesitation to mention that Ms Zahira is not such a lady who speaks the truth and has developed an image of a self-condemned liar whose statements alone cannot be safely accepted”.
Manipulation of poor victim survivors is obviously the game best played by the Gujarat government and its paid agents. Crores of public money are spent on legal fees. But for the vigilance of the Supreme Court of India, the tenacious legal services provided by the CJP team and the inherent courage of Victim Survivors 117 persons, including Maya Kodnani and Babu Bajrangi would not have been convicted in Gujarat. That is the greatest sore for the Man who would be PM. He had promised completely impunity to the marauding mob. But the rule of law had better ideas.
Ends