By Teesta Setalvad
It is the voter that is the ultimate arbiter and it
will be the politically shrewd and savvy north-Indian voter of Uttar and Bihar
Pradesh that will unequivocally decide the nation’s future in 2014. Unlike the
two party options available in western India, the north has, post the
BJP-driven bloody politics of the 1990s carved itself viable options that allow
discontent to be channelized elsewhere. One divide or laxman rekha that seems non-negotiable is the secular-communal
divide, never mind the BJP’s Goebellian talent for anointing a lies, several
times spoken, as their version of the truth.
Five thousand caps and burqas we are reliably informed went waste as none, or very few
Muslims turned up for Modi darshan last Saturday. Kanpur where the rally was
held has eight lakh Muslim votes. The BJP desperate and wily, in playing its
double-games cannot escape the harsh questions that internet, television etc
make difficult:- questions like
BJP and VHp what’s
the rishta?
Ram Mandir yes
or no? But Mandir apart what do Shah or Modi or Rajnath Singh or Jaitley have
to say about the demolition of the Babri Masjid, an iiilegal and criminal act
under Indian Law? Any answers? What about the party’s defiance of its own
assurance to the Supreme Court?
In short does the BJP believe in the rule of law and
the writ of the Constitution?
To win minority hearts and minds, a pamphlet is
doing the rounds in UP that attempts to paint more Goebellian lies about Muslim
safety, Muslim development and Muslim growth (not population!!) in Gujarat.
As a counter, here are some interesting facts:-
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
assessing the goals for poverty reduction in India among different sections of
the population (February 2013) has analysed that the poverty head count for
Muslims is “very high in states of
Assam, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Gujarat”. In these states, nearly 50 per
cent of agricultural labourers and 40 per cent of other labourers are below the
poverty line in rural areas where households with primary level and lower
education have the higher poverty ratio.” This certainly does not absolve other
parties especially the Congress, Communists but it does not show the BJP or
Modi up well either.
More specifically, there are recent studies that are
interesting. Comparing the literacy rate
of Gujarat’s Muslims which is at 73.5 per cent to Andhra Pradesh where it was
68 per cent, Kancha Iliah attributes to the fact that in Gujarat, Muslims study
in Gujarati whereas in AP, education is divided into two languages. Telugu and
Urdu. Hence while the basic literary level of Muslims was slightly better
overall, in terms of each level of education Muslims in AP were doing much
better. Up to primary school, in terms of school attendance, the community in
both states were at the same level – 74.9 per cent in Gujarat and 74.7 per cent
in AP. Those Muslims who made it to middle school in Gujarat constituted 45.3
per cent whereas in AP it was 52.6 per cent. Worse, as they move upto matriculation,
only 26.1 per cent of the Gujarati Muslim population passed Std X whereas in
AP, 40.6 per cent succeeded. The dropout rate in Gujarat was higher but most
surprising was the fact that barely 5 per cent of Gujarat’s Muslims completed
graduation whereas in AP the figure was higher at 9.6 per cent.
Gujarat surprisingly given other economic growth indicators
emerges as a state with high levels of hunger while at the same time boasting
of higher per capita income and consistent income stability. Gujarat’s hunger
levels stand side by side with Orissa and Bihar, only Jharkand, Chhatisgarh and
Madhya Pradesh having worse levels.
Abu Saleh Sharief evaluating comparative data from
the NSSO and NCAER sets right the false propaganda put forward by the BJP
related to Muslims, Sachar Committee and Gujarat. Poverty among urban Muslims
is eight times i.e.800 per cent more than high caste Hindus, about 50 per cent
more than Hindu OBCs and the SC/Sts. Over 60 per cent of Gujarat’s Muslims live
in urban areas and they stand today as the most deprived social group in
Gujarat. Rural poverty amongst Gujarat Muslims is 200 per cent more. While
Muslims have bank accounts proportionate to the size of the population, the
depth of institutionalised bias and prejudice is evident from the figures
related to access to bank loans, microcredit. Poor financial inclusion is
evident from the fact that of the total, barely 2.6 per cent loans dished out
by banks are the beneficiaries Muslims. So much for equality, fair play and a level
playing field. Muslims are also much more vulnerable to theft and burglary.
The most successful way to assess security and
integration is through the quality of life for one and all, the depth of
societal integration, mixed neighbourhoods and classrooms. The schools within
urban Gujarat, especially in the majority dominated areas rarely allow
admission to a child from this minority. Ghettoised existence has become a
reality within large sections of urban Gujarat as the term ‘borders’ is used to
define to segregation of neighbourhoods.
Pertinently, let’s ask, how many Muslims are part of
Modi’s government, how many Muslim candidates did he field in 2012? Modi has not a single Muslim Minister; in
fact during his 12 year old term in office in Gujarat, he has never trusted a
Muslim as a ministerial post. But then how could he? When he has never fielded
a single Muslim candidate in the three elections in Gujarat that he has lorded
over!!
Though 9.1. per cent Gujaratis are Muslim, they play no
part in Modi’s government or state legislature party. It is arguable and
debatable how many actually support him and his policies (this column will
bring details on this one).
Today, as he desperately runs to keep in the race for
2014, a moot question to him would be, why not a law to prevent targeted
communal violence? A law that punctures the culture of impunity for the
perpetrators of hatred and violence ?
A law that helps victims and complainants access the law
and ensure that the guilty are punished? A law that actually recognises the
culpability of public servants and modifies the limiting provision under
section 197 of ‘sanction’ that acts as a barrier against prosecuting public
servants guilty of criminal acts? (Under the proposed law ‘deemed sanction’
will be given by a judicial authority if s state government does not act; in
2002, Modi as Gujarat’s home minister, despite the recommendations of senior
police officers like his own ADGP Intelligence RB Sreekumar and SP Bhavnagar
Rahul Sharma, refused to grant sanction for the criminal prosecution of the
VHP/RSS pamphlets containing hate speech and the Sandesh newspaper for
spreading hatred and venom and violating sections 153a and 153b of the IPC) ?
A law that recognises command responsibility of
political, bureaucratic and non-state actors? Will Modi’s BJP support such a
law? To ensure that no Muzaffarnagars, no Gujarats, no Bhiwandi’s, no
Hashimpuras, no Dellhis (1984) ever happen?
So far he has not let on what he thinks of such a law
when violence could be prevented and the guilty readily punished. So far he has
said not a word on the violence perpetrated by BJP elected representatives in
the four districts of Muzaffarnagar, Shamli, Baghpat and Meerut. No prizes for
guessing at the motives behind Modi’s mysterious silence.
Ends
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