Reclaiming Indian Secularism
Teesta Setalvad
It was as many as 21 years ago, after
cataclysmic events had shaken our country and my city that I first started
theoretical and academic deliberations (even as a journalist into the meaning
and manifestation of the term secularism).
The cataclysmic events I recall today bear some relevance to the dangerous pass
we have been brought to, and the precipice we stand at. May 16 will decide
whether we get a much needed breather or not.
Hatred and violence had been spilt on the
streets of India’s districts and villages, a cynical plank ostensibly to build
a temple in the name of lord Ram at Faizabad-Ayodhya (a town that already hosts
over 300 temples to the Hindu God) had been sent in motion since 1986 first by
the Rashtriya Swyamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Vishwa Hindu Parishad, later to be
adopted at it’s official programme by the Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP). While
the mandir was the plank, a
penetration and attack on the foundations of India as a secular democratic
republic was the aim, and the spread of calculated hatreds against India’s
largest and not so largest minorities the dastardly means. It was in those
horridly halcyon days of Advani’s lotus adorned rath yatra that was flanked by Modi as it set off from Somnath in 1990 that the terms “tushtikaran” were
coined and the edifice of secularism abused.
It would be good for the young to re-visit
this trajectory. I had delved deep then and opined in a rather lengthy paper
delivered at the Goregaon Seminary in 1993-1994 that it is the fundamentals of equality and equality before the law, and
discrimination to none that gives life and blood to the term secularism. Openly manifest prejudice be
it in the guise of the socially acceptable and unchallenged practices of
rigidly ghettoized neighbourhoods, exclusivist classrooms and schools and
rigidly supremacist workplaces are some of its worst manifestations. Closely
observing this since 1989, Gujarat could well top this list in its urban and
semi-urban centres being near one hundred per cent ghettoized but lets not fool
ourselves, my Mumbai and our Delhi are not that much better. Ask young
professional Muslims of the barriers they face as they join other Indians to
partake of a modernized Indian cake and you will have the answer.
Institutionalised bias or majoritarianism as I have been consistently writing
and speaking of for over six years now shows up in the way not just the police
functions (and this we at Communalism
Combat can take legitimate credit to begin a national discourse on, see www.sabrang.com) but how the judiciary prioritises issues and
delivers verdicts, how employers (public and private sector) assess CVs and bio
datas of candidates applying for different job descriptions, how teachers teach
in the classroom, what narrative and interpretation of history we have in our
history and social studies textbooks.
On all these front, I would humbly submit
the RSS-BJP combine has foregone all rights to speak as they, in the language
of the courts are the prime accused. Accused in the people’s court of cynically
and systematically targeting secular institutions and ideas and ensuring with
their potent poison of majoritarian sentiment and communalism targeting the
delivery of the Constitutional non-negotiables of equality and non-discrimination.
It is the other players, especially the
major mainstream political parties who only conveniently don the “secular” hat,
that will be historically adjudged in the people’s court as the next major
offender. While holding power for the lion’s share of the years that this
wonderful country of ours became independent and has existed, this formation
has failed to uphold the world “secular” and “democratic” when assaulted by a
systematic assault by the majoritarian rightwing. It is this cynical phenomenon
that has led not just many younger professionals among Indians to abhor being
linked with this older and more cynical brand of electoral secularism (that
only seeks to save what should be the life-blood of this nation) when elections
are near and its own power is at stake but in practice led to a cynical
compromise with the principles of egalitarianism and non-discrimination.
The challenge before you and me, the voter
and thinker, the activist and intellectual, every Indian committed to the
ideals of an India based on the visions of Ambedkar, Azad and Nehru is to
preserve the precious space required to fight that ultimate battle for a
secular, democratic India in the immediate and ask the following inconvenient
questions, the moment the future of India is decided at about 12 noon on May 16
2014.
Here are the questions that we need to ask:
Q. Will the
Election Commission be pushed by “Secular Parties” to genuine probe and take a
long-term, conclusive decision on the hate speech delivered by Giriraj Singh,
Praveen Togadia and Ramdas Kadam? If the EC fails will the “secular” parties go
to the Courts for a speedy decision on the violation of Indian criminal law
(inciting hatred against one section) and election law (misusing religion for
political ends)?
[We all know what
happened in the Varun Gandhi and Narendra Modi cases, one gave a speech at
Pilibhit in 2009 and the other at Becharaji, Mehsana in 2002; we also know that
NO political secular opposition fought the cases to uphold decency of debate
and public life and it has been left to us to battle the Courts, alone]
Q. Will the issues
raised by the Sachar Committee, that is equality of job, living and opportunity
be seriously dealt with by all “secular” parties and governments and a public
audit of government departments and private sector be undertaken so that a
National Diversity Index is made available –so that you and I know how many of
which kind of Indian makes it to jobs in India’s corporate sector (India
Shining!!!), India’s police force, India’s teaching community; India’s medical
services, India’s government services, India’s police services?
[Or will it again be left to individual
groups and formations to push this issue while the RSS-BJP continues with its
calculated politics of denial of basic rights to a large sections of Indians?]
Q. Will the crucial
issue of discrimination before the law—Courts and all—especially when related
to unaccounted detention of youth as undertrials be it adivasis, poor, Dalits
or Minorities be dealt with as an Institutional malaise that has crept into our
systems of governance or again be non-prioritised by the so called “secular”
political parties?
[We all know how the ATS of different
states function included those ruled by the so-called “secular”parties]
Q. Will we continue
to examine and agitate the bias present in India’s history and social studies
textbooks, not just those used in Gujarat, MP, Rajasthan UP and Maharashtra bit
also being supplied as supplementary materials in RSS/BJP run Shishu Mandirs
and Ekal Vidyalayas?
[We all know the poison spread to ensure
that young generations of Indians grow up believing in “othering” other Indians
and not in upholding the Constitutional principles of equality and non-discrim
ination].
Q. Will we devote
time to the deliberation and creation of alternate forums of communication that
sideline the pernicious role of private television owned by corporate houses
that are backing only the majoritarian construct of India?
[Remember that today the major television
channels are either directly or indirectly controlled by one or the other
corpoirate house or by political formations].
It is in the consistent asking of these key
questions after and between elections, if
India is granted a breathing space of the next few years, that we may find the answers. To resurrect India
through an uncompromised understanding and affiliation to its foundations, as a
secular democratic republic.
Ends
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