Who are
the Guilty?
Teesta Setalvad
On 24 September 2002, six months
after the pogrom following the Godhra train burning , two men with assault
rifles murdered over 30 Gujaratis and security personnel in Ahmedabad’s
Akshardham temple. The two killers—who we were so far told were Pakistani==
though we are not sure, were shot dead. The Gujarat police picked up (the
Supreme Court has now said, unfairly and indiscriminately) six Muslims who were
thereafter convicted by the Prevention of Terrorism Act (Pota) court in
Ahmedabad that heard the trial in camera (meaning in private rather than in
open court). The Gujarat high court, which for some reason also heard their
appeal in camera, for no apparent reason, agreed with the trial court and the
prosecution. Three of the six men were awarded the death penalty given in
the rarest of the rare cases and others imprisonment. The men were in jail
long, with one of them actually completing his sentence, before the Supreme
Court (SC) heard the appeal. On May 16, the judgement of the Court was made
public with the Supreme Court passing strong strictures against the state’s
police and home department.
Acquitting all the six men, the
Supreme Court said: “Before parting with the judgment, we intend to express
our anguish about the incompetence with which the investigating agencies
conducted the investigation of the case of such a grievous nature, involving
the integrity and security of the nation. Instead of booking the real culprits
responsible for taking so many precious lives, the police caught innocent
people and got imposed the grievous charges against them which resulted in
their conviction and subsequent sentencing” (page 280). Put differently,
the actual culprits were allowed to go scot free. Who is responsible for thios
lapse? Of Modi’s own role as home minister in approving Pota charges, the court
said he had “simply signed the proposed note as a mark of approval” (page
107). The court added, “This would go to show clear non-application of mind by
the Home Minister in granting sanction” (page 109).
There is more. Incompetence or
wprse? The Gujarat police had a handwriting expert who verified the Urdu
handwriting of the accused, while admitting he knew no Urdu and could not tell
it from Arabic or Persian.It appears that even in terror cases, and remember
Modi’s claims that he is strong on terror, Gujarat follows no governance
process.
The chief judicial magistrate (CJM),
who had a critical role in verifying the confessional statements (the main
evidence used to convict the accused), during cross-examination went on to
record that:
“... I did not make inquiry with
any police officers with regard to the said confessions. I had not asked the
two accused produced before me as to whether they needed any lawyer or not. I
had not taken the said accused persons in my custody. It is true that I did not
issue any warrant for them to be sent to judicial custody. It is true that I
did not inquire with the accused about where and at what time and who recorded
their statements….“It is true that I have not kept any rojkam (daily register)
or record in my court about the accused persons produced before me...”
(page 127). This is more than shocking as it reflects on a lower level judicial
officer’s conduct. On this, the SC says, “The statements by the CJM show how
casually the mandates under Sections 32(4) and 32(5) were followed, rendering
the said requirement a hollow and empty exercise” (page 128). What does it
say about the state administration that its police and the judiciary can act in
this fashion?
The Supreme Court judgement is
sobering reading for those who equate slogans of good governance with
substance. Or does good governance not apply to the deliverance of
justice? For those who think Gujarat is some ideally governed state. And for
those who assume there will be instant transformation in the way Delhi
functions now.
It was a division bench of AK Patnaik and V Gopala Gowda who
delivered the verdict in the best and highest traditions of democracy. The pre
conceived mind of the police, prosecution and lower Courts was evidentin their
holding that the attack on the Akshardham temple was a “conspiracy against the
Hindu community,” and that the said act of terror was a “revenge” for the 2002
Gujarat riots.
From the Gujarat ATS to the Ahmedabad Crime
Branch the trajectory of this “terror” investigation is a sorry tale of
incompetence and unprofessionalism. Hasty arrests were made as the anniversary
of the event was approaching to satisfy political interests and reap benefits
in public discourse.
On the evening of 28 August, 2003 a Fax was
sent to this effect, transferring the case to the Crime branch and the very
next day, on 29 August, 2003, five arrests were shown. Sixth accused Chand Khan
who is a mechanic originally from Bareilly in UP, but also had a workshop in
Kashmir, where he was apparently arrested on 31 August in Kashmir and later
brought to Ahmedabad. Most of the accused had alreadt been in illegal detention
since August 17 2003 being picked up from the Muslim dominated areas of
Ahmedabad.The Prevention of Terrorism Act, 2002 (POTA) was a draconian
anti-terrorism legislation enacted by the Parliament of India in 2002 that was
later repealed by the UPA Government. Under POTA confessions made to police
were admissible in the court of law. POTA was also not invoked until a year
later. On August 28, 2003, the case is transferred to the Crime Branch, next
day (Aug 29) arrests are shown to be made and the very next day, that is August
the office of the State Home Minister signed a letter sanctioning POTA against
them. The Special POTA Court subsequently found them guilty and convicted them
with: Altaf Malek (5 years imprisonment), Adam Bhai Ajmeri (death penalty),
Mohammed Salim Hanif Sheikh (Life imprisonment till death), Abdul Qaiyum
Muftisaab Mohmed Bhai (death penalty), Abdullah Miya Yasin Miya (10 years
imprisonment) and Chand Khan (death penalty).
The SC has questioned the then Home Minister’s
“non-application of mind” and deemed it “not a legal and valid sanction.” The
SC bench had contended, “The prosecution had failed to prove that the sanction
was granted by the government either on the basis of an informed decision or on
the basis of an independent analysis of fact on consultation with the
Investigating Officer. This would go to show clear non-application of mind by
the Home Minister in granting sanction. Therefore, the sanction is void on the
ground of non- application of mind and is not a legal and valid sanction under
Section 50 of POTA.
Vicious allegations made against Altaf Malek
and Mohammed Salim that they used to send money to others and that they had
hatched conspiracy of the attack were unproven. No records of call-details, nor
any evidence of money transfer through Hawala or in bank accounts was produced
by the prosecution.The SC hence not only acquitted all the five appellants but
also “set aside the conviction and sentence awarded to that A-1 (Altaf Malek)”,
who had already undergone the 5 years sentence and hence had not appealed in
the Apex Court.
The question however is who pays for this
unprofessional conduct of the police and home departments and what of the loss
of precious years by the young men? Substantive compensation is just one step,
prosecution of those guilty the next.
As the new government in power tests its
grounds by sending feelers on legislating on obviously divisive issues like
Article 370, a uniform civil code and Ram Mandir at Ayodhya the real whammy
likely is a new form of an anti terror law a la TADA or POTA. Not only
were several Muslim youth the unfair quarry of institutionalized prejudice –and
therefore detention and incarceration under the TADA and POTA regimes—but so
were others. All those who protested in the late 1980s and early 1990s against
the neo liberal policies of the Rao plus regimes, were jailed (in Gujarat and
Andhra Pradesh) under TADA. With the next round in India to be one of
unfettered, unchecked development (remember the new MOS Environment’s promise
to pass projects worth Rs 80,000 crores in two days???) no first prizes for guessing
where the repressions will lie. A regime that is already reflecting attacks on
freedom of expression will, soon, use unchecked state power to stifle
legitimate, democratic protest against the seizure of lands, water resources
and minerals for the big companies. Happy days are here again…..
Ends
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