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Teesta Setalvad
Conversions : A Warped Debate
Despite the letter and spirit of the law as laid down
in Article 25 of the Indian Constitution, giving every citizen the right
to freely practice, profess and propagate his or her religion, much of
the impassioned discourse around the issue of conversions today reveals
inherent bias in a dominant section of the Indian population. To them the
existence of this basic right granted to every citizen appears as
anathema. Quite apart from right– wing chauvinists, the fact that it raises
hackles among more progressive sections, be they Gandhians or other radicals,
the issue of religious conversion bears careful examination.
Opponents of conversion cloak their inherent antipathy
to it by criticising the methods used by those in the conversion business,
alleging that financial incentives and material considerations govern the
decision of individuals and groups to a change of faith.
Today this bogey of forced conversions has been
successfully raised by the RSS–VHP combine, to numb the Indian middle class
mind from the horrors of violence and terror unleashed on Christians and
Muslims in the far–flung villages of Gujarat. The bald denial by the Gujarat
state director general of police (DGP), C.P. Singh that any forced conversions
have taken place have not stopped the avenging squads that are heaping
terror and humiliation on large sections of the Indian population. The
stamp of legitimacy to this warped discourse was recently given by none
less than the liberal mukhota (mask) of the BJP, Prime Minister Atal Behari
Vajpayee who called for a national debate on conversions instead of assuring
the brutalised population of Gujarat adequate state protection against
violence and terror.
The manipulated discourse plays into the decades’ old
fear of the upper caste Hindu – approximately a tenth of the population
— that the lower castes are being seduced away by ‘alien’ faiths. But little
concern is ever shown to the material and social indignities that have
compelled groups and individuals to exercise this choice. This apprehension
of the sanatani Hindu also stems from a deep–rooted fear of loss of majority
status: once viewed as either distinct from the upper caste Hindu —
or at least not a permament adjunct, as 22 per of SCs and STs and over
50 per cent of the other backward castes (OBCs) have so far been — the
“majority” status of Hindus as one single, dominant, hegemonic community
comes into serious question.
There is an even more fundamental basis for the near–pathological
reaction to conversions among the adherents of this world–view. Conversion
undermines the theological underpining of upper caste, sanatani Hindu
faith in birth as the sole determinant of social station and position in
life and notions of the ‘pure’ and the polluted.
That a decision towards a change of faith can ever be
perceived as a positive move towards a life of dignity, if not an entirely
egalitarian existence is not a factor or a possibility that a sanatani
Hindu faith can easily accept.
But for those committed to a plural society based on equity
and justice, religious conversion is not seen as a threat. In India,
especially, conversions have been occuring for centuries, the assimilation
or absorption of indigenous tribes into jatis by the sanatani Hindu faith
being the first example of mass conversions. Thereafter, individuals
and groups, mostly from the oppressed castes, have through the centuries
opted to convert to Christianity or Islam. In modern day India, conversions
have been a matter of political choice towards social emancipation by a
significant section of Dalits.
On the flip side is the role of the other side, that is
the faiths to which persons of oppressed caste origin are converting and
the motives and attitudes of the clergy and other agencies of these faiths
that effect these conversions. Theologically speaking, scriptural
Christianity and Islam do enjoin on their followers to convert the non–believers
and save the “heathens” from hell and damnation. Conversions for the missionary
then is a sublime duty. The missionary believes he is spreading the only
true faith in the interests of human salvation. Undoubtedly, this worldview
posits a superiority of faith vis a vis the non–believer.
However, though modern Christianity may have come to the
third world in its later avatar as an adjunct of colonial brute force,
and latter–day Islam through medieval invasions, both Islam and Christianity
arrived on Indian shores hundreds of years earlier through traders. Christianity
in 58 A.D. and Islam soon after its birth through the Arab settlers on
the west and south coasts.
Many conversions to Islam or Christianity in the modern
period of history have also coincided with the passage of emancipatory
laws liberating bonded labour that allowed oppressed sections the freedom
to exercise choice in the matter of faith. These sections, then, exercised
this choice, after, rightly or wrongly, perceiving either Islam or Christianity
to be more egalitarian than Hinduism’s oppressive caste system.
There were a host of lower caste conversions during the
second half of the 19th cent in Travancore, for instance. Educational endeavours
of missionaries and the resultant more equal status played a crucial role
in their choice of faith, not by inducements but through a perceived existence
of equality. For example, the first low–caste person, in 1851, to walk
on the public road near the temple at Tiruvalla in 1851 was a Christian.
Around 1859,thousands became Christians in the midst of other emancipatory
struggles in the region where they were supported by missionaries against
oppressive upper caste traditions: for example the struggle of the Nadars
on the right of their women to cover the upper part of their body.
Or, take this example. On the Malabar coast in Kerala,
large scale conversions to Islam did not take place during the invasions
by Tipu Sultan but during the 1843–1890 period and were directly linked
to the fact that in 1843 slavery was abolished in this region. As a result,
large numbers from the formerly oppressed castes bonded in slavery by upper
caste Hindus moved over to Islam, which they perceived, rightly or wrongly
to be a religion of equality and justice.
In 1929, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar advised Indian
‘untouchables’ to embrace any other religion that would regard them as
human beings, and following this 12 untouchables from a village near
Nasik embraced Islam. In 1935, he strongly criticised Hindu scriptures
that defined Dalits as lowest of the low. Under Ambedkar’s inspiration
there was a mass movement of conversion when half a million untouchables
(Dalits) embraced Buddhism on October 14, 1956 at Nagpur.
This is a factor that needs to surface prominently
in the current debate. Not surprisingly, dominated as the discourse continues
to be by sanatani Hindu concerns and fears, this has not happened. On the
contrary, ulterior motives are being sought to justify the fact of conversions.
The reaction of Swami Aseemananda is a typical example of this. Speaking
to a national weekly, on the VHP’s efforts to “popularise” Hinduism in
the district he said, “We are not interested in poverty alleviation or
development activities. We are only trying to alleviate the tribals spiritually.”
The sudden concern of columnists of leading periodicals
appears to centre around the alleged monetary incentives and inducements
offered by missionaries. But there is no examination of the developmental
work in education, health and other areas that is undertaken by Christian
religious persons in our remotest districts.
Lastly, the forced Ghar Vapsi movement launched
by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad is quite obviously a sanatani Hindu project
as it has an intrinsic element of “purifying” the “impure” who have drifted
and are being pulled back; if so, a pertinent question to ask the storm–troopers
of the new Brahmanical order is: which caste are the “re–converted” being
given entry to?
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